Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk 23 English & Bangla Subtitle It’s Free | Turkey TV Series
Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk 23 Bangla Subtitle It’s Free | Turkey TV Series
Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk 23 Bangla Subtitle It’s Free | Turkey TV Series
Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk 23 English Subtitle It’s Free | Turkey TV Series
Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk Episode 23 English Subtitle It’s Free | Turkey TV Series
Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk Episode 23 English Subtitle It’s Free | Turkey TV Series
Muhammad Tapar 1105–18
Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk 23 English & Bangla Subtitle It’s Free | Turkey TV Series For the next three years, Sanjar remained a captive of the Ghuzz, frequently confined to a cage as a symbol of his humiliation. His court poet, Anwari, wrote a desperate plea for aid to the Qarakhanids, the famous qasida known as ‘The Tears of Khurasan’: O morning breeze if you pass by Samarqand, Bring the letter of the people of Khurasan to the [Qarakhanid] Khaqan; A letter whose beginning is bodily grief and affliction of soul, A letter whose end is heartache and sorrow . . . Watch All Episode
At the doors of the lowborn the noble stand sorrowful and bewildered, The virtuous are captive and restrained in the hands of pleasure seekers. You do not see any man happy but at death’s door, You do not find a virgin girl save in her mother’s womb. The congregational mosque of each city has become the stables For [the Ghuzz’s] beasts; neither roof nor door is visible. They do not [even] read the khu†ba in the name of the Ghuzz because In Khurasan now there is neither preacher [kha†īb] nor pulpit [minbar]’.
172 While the Ghuzz marauded at will over Khurasan, the Seljuk amirs of the east began the search for an alternative representative of legitimate authority. On 19 Jumada II 548/11 September 1153 Sanjar’s nephew Sulaymanshah b. Muhammad reached Nishapur and was installed as sultan.173 Sulaymanshah proved to be wholly ineffective at putting an end to Ghuzz depredations, and he fled Khurasan in Safar 549/April-M ay 1154.174 A group of amirs then called on Sanjar’s nephew Mahmud Khan,
who was of mixed Seljuk and Qarakhanid descent.175 He faced opposition not just from the Ghuzz, but also from Sanjar’s powerful mamlūk al-Mu’ayyad Ay Aba, who expelled the Ghuzz from much of western Khurasan and established himself in Nishapur as an effective and popular ruler.176 Rayy, too, fell to another Sanjari mamlūk, Inanj,177 while Herat was controlled by the mamlūk Sonqur al-‘ Azizi. For once in Seljuk history, Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk 23 English & Bangla Subtitle It’s Free | Turkey TV Series
mamlūk loyalty did actually prove to be worth something. In 551/1156, al- Mu’ayyad Ay Aba managed to rescue his master Sanjar from captivity in Balkh, smuggling him in a boat to safety on the opposite side of the Oxus.179 From the town of Tirmidhi, Sanjar proclaimed the restoration of his sultanate. Surprisingly, perhaps, given his double humiliation of Qatwan and the Ghuzz rebellion, this does seem to have been taken seriously. The Khwarazmian bureaucrat Rashid al-Din Watwat wrote a letter on behalf of his master Atsız congratulating Sanjar on ‘the arrival of your victorious standards to the abode of kingship,Watch All Episode
Tirmidhi, crawlingly expressing his ‘Everlong desire to serve’ and his apologies for ‘previous short- comings’.180 That there was some substance to these sentiments is suggested by a separate letter Rashid al-Din sent to Tuti, one of the main Ghuzz leaders and a Khwarazmian ally, advising him bluntly to apologize now that Sanjar has been restored to ‘the abode of kingship Tirmidhi, great and honored among his servants’.181 Ibn al- Athir too states that Sanjar’s ‘kingdom was nearly restored to him’. Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk 23 English & Bangla Subtitle It’s Free | Turkey TV Series
182 In reality Sanjar’s position was distinctly weak. Khurasan had now been ravaged by the Ghuzz for three years, and initially, the sultan did not even dare leave Tirmidhi to return to Merv. When he did, Nishapuri tells us, he found, ‘his treasury empty, his kingdom ruined, his people dispersed and his army lost’.183 He died in Rabi I 552/April 1157 aged seventy-two, about a year after his release from captivity, and two or three months after entering Merv,184 and was buried in the great mausoleum he had built in the heart of the city (Figure. 2.2).
The Great Seljuk Empire could not be reconstituted. In many areas, Ghuzz depredations continued 185 alongside inter-communal blood-letting between members of rival madhhabs and between Turks and Ismailis.186 Mahmud Khan was recognized by al- Mu’ayyad Ay Aba as suzerain, and indeed was even proclaimed by Wat wat on behalf of the Khwarazmians as ‘a king with imperial lineage from both ancestors, on one side the noble house of Seljuk – may it last until eternity – and on the other, the noble house of Afrasiyab [the Qarakhanids]’.
187 This august lineage was not enough to secure Mahmud Khan’s position, and al-Mu’ayyad seized the opportunity to kill him and his son at Nishapur in 557/1062, definitively ending any attempts by a Seljuk claimant to exercise effective rule in the east.188 Khurasan remained convulsed by disorder as Khwarazmians, Ghurids, Qarakhitay and Ghuzz all fought over it, until at last in the late twelfth century a fragile political unity was restored to the region under the descendants of Atsız. Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk 23 English & Bangla Subtitle It’s Free | Turkey TV Series
Individual cities and regions were affected to varying degrees, depending on the strength of their fortifications and the competence of their leadership. The occasional rhetorical assertion of suzerainty aside, no material help was forthcoming from the remnants of the Seljuk sultanate in the west.189 In the Sultanate of Iraq, meanwhile, competing groups sought to install their favoured candidate as sultan on the death of Mas‘ud in 547/1152, the same year as the Ghuzz revolt began.
190 Over the next five years, the main contenders for power were: Muhammad b. Mahmud, the last Seljuk to aspire to assert himself as ruler until Tughrıl III; the Caliph al- Muqtafi (r. 530/1136–555/1160), who sought to turn the tables on the Seljuks by manipulating their succession disputes to ensure a pliant sultan who would maximize his own freedom for maneuver; and rival groups of Seljuk amirs, who may be divided into two main groups, one made up largely of amirs from the Jibal,
who backed Muhammad, and their rivals, the amirs of northwestern Iran, led by the atabeg Nusrat al- Din Arslan Aba b. Aqsonqur Ahmadili, ruler of Maragha, and Ildegüz, the governor of the south Caucasian province of Arran, who has been described as ‘the very personification of the problem of amiral disloyalty’.191 There were also two other contenders for the sultan- ate: Muhammad’s brother Malikshah and Sulaymanshah, both described as drink- besotted pleasure- addicts, but still useful enough for any amir who sought to challenge Muhammad.192 Immediately after Mas‘ud’s death, Malikshah III was placed on the throne by the late sultan’s old favorite,
the great amir Khassbeg b. Palang- eri who, naturally enough, sought to amass iq†ā‘s and wealth at Malikshah’s expense, while, we are told, the new sultan devoted his days to pleasure and drinking. For reasons which are not entirely obvious if Malikshah was as pliant a candidate as the sources claim, Khassbeg resolved to replace him with Muhammad. The other amirs, anxious to cut both sultan and amir down to size, assented to Khassbeg’s plan, but at the same time secretly resolved to set Muhammad against him.
Muhammad’s accession in Safar 548/April–May 1153 was thus accompanied by the killing of Khassbeg.193 Muhammad seems to have aspired to assert his authority as ruler, and sent Khassbeg’s head to his two most powerful amirs, Ildegüz of Arran and Nusrat al- Din Khassbeg b. Aqsonqur of Maragha in the hope that it would inspire them with fear and bring them to obedience. In fact, they drew the opposite lesson: that the new ruler presented a danger and must be opposed.
194 Just as Sultan Mas‘ud had found, bringing the amirs to heel was truly the Gordian knot of Seljuk politics. Unsurprisingly, the ill-f ated Muhammad II b. Mahmud was unable to solve the perennial problem of the sultans of Iraq, amiral usurpation of sultanic iq†ā‘s. Moreover, in the chaotic conditions of the year 548/1152–3, when the Seljuk throne in Hamadhan was held by no fewer than three rival contenders, the amirs were able to usurp even more land for themselves.
195 Meanwhile, Caliph al- Muqtafi li- Amr Allah sought to exploit the power vacuum by asserting his authority outside Baghdad, the first caliph to exercise effective power in Iraq since the early tenth century.196 The caliphal vizier, Ibn Hubayra, received all the territories in iq†ā‘ that had previously belonged to the sultan’s vizier, a clear demonstration of where power now lay.
197 He was even granted by the caliph the title ‘Sul†ān al- ‘Irāq’, previously a Seljuk prerogative, and suggestive of the caliph’s ultimate ambition to destroy the dynasty that had been a millstone round the ‘Abbasids’ neck for a century.198 A caliphal army captured al-H illa and Wasit and besieged Tikrit, which the last Seljuk shiªna of Baghdad, Mas‘ud al-B ilali, had made his base.199 In Tikrit two other Seljuks were imprisoned, the deposed Malikshah III and malik Arslan b. Tughrıl b.
Muhammad. The latter was used by Mas‘ud al- Bilali to legitimise his fight against the caliph to the army, especially the Türkmen, suggesting the enduring power of the Seljuk name as a token for legitimacy among a nomadic audience.200 A Seljuk prince in the wrong hands represented a potential challenger for Muhammad’s throne. With the caliph’s defeat of Mas‘ud Bilal and his sup- porters at Bakimza in Rajab 459/September 1155, Arslan b. Tughrıl was spir- ited away to the amir Ildegüz, who had married his mother and proceeded to use the malik as the justification for the rapid expansion of his power. It was in the wake of this disaster,
whereby he had been dragged into conflict with the caliph at the behest of his amirs only to lose, and furthermore producing a potential hostage to fortune in the form of Arslan, that Muhammad seems to have decided on a more proactive policy to save the sultanate. Muhammad’s efforts to assert his rule took three principal forms: he tried to clip the wings of the most powerful of his amirs; he sought to address the financial problems which beset the sultanate;
and he aspired to install himself in Baghdad, the possession of which was traditionally one of the symbols of legitimate Seljuk rule. The latter would require force, and thus cash. To this end he appointed Shams al-D in Abu Najib al-D arguzini (anephew of the notorious Abu ’l- Qasim al- Darguzini whom we met during the reign of Mahmud), whom even ‘Imad al- Din al- Isfahani, usually fiercely hostile to his arch rivals in the Darguzini clan, admits was a competent administrator (although he cannot resist making some snide comments about his alleged lack of refinement).
201 Shams al- Din asked amirs who had usurped iq†ā‘s during the chaos of 1152–3 to return some of what they held to the sultan, and although we do not know how successful this was, rather surprisingly the financial situation did improve. Muhammad, at his vizier’s urging, then resolved to march on Baghdad. The seizure of the city would solve not just the problem of legitimacy, but also aid the sultanic finances, if the iq†ā‘s of Iraq could be returned to Seljuk control.
Shams al- Din, it should be remembered, would have had a very personal interest in a Seljuk reoccupation of Iraq, for it was there that the vizieral iq†ā‘s, now appropriated by Ibn Hubayra, lay.
However, Muhammad did not immediately heed his vizier’s pleas, for the appearance of his uncle Sulaymanshah, backed by Ildegüz, Nusrat al- Din of Maragha and al-M uqtafi,
202 threw a spanner in the works.203 The caliph’s support for Sulaymanshah may in fact have been a double-e dged sword: no amir hopeful of regaining Iraqi iq†ā‘s was likely to do well out of a sultan so closely allied with the caliph. This included many of the Jibali group who now gravitated towards Muhammad as their best hope of recovering them.204 While Khuzistan and Nishapur were temporarily overrun by the Ghuzz,205 Sulaymanshah joined forces with Malikshah III in northwestern Iran.
206 Supported by the Jibali faction of amirs, as well as by Qutb al-D in Mawdud of Mosul (Zangi’s son), Muhammad marched north, defeating the caliphal northwestern amiral forces at the battle of Nakhchivan – Ildegüz’s heartland – in Jumada I/June–July 551/1156.207 Sulaymanshah was captured by Qutb al-D in’s forces in the wake of the battle and imprisoned in Mosul.
The victory gave Muhammad the opportunity to try to clip Ildegüz’s wings, for the defeated amir was now obliged to beg forgiveness. However, action against such a powerful amir was out of the question, given the unpromising precedents set by Mas‘ud. Instead, Muhammad promoted Nusrat al- Din of Maragha to rule over Azerbaijan, thus placing an obstacle in Ildegüz’s way should he attempt to march south. Finally, the sultan was ready to advance on Baghdad.
The siege of Baghdad, lasting from Muharram 552/February–March 1157 until June of the same year, has been described as ‘the last really free act of any Seljuk sultan of Iraq’.209 His amirs were lukewarm, and some were subverted by bribes arranged by Ibn Hubayra, while the populace of Baghdad was roused to jihad against the Turks.210 However, ultimately, it was the suc- cession problem that scuppered Muhammad’s plans:
while Sulaymanshah was safely in prison, Malikshah was in the hands of Ildegüz, who now installed him on the Seljuk throne in Hamadhan and occupied the central Iranian cities of Qumm and Qashan. Isfahan remained loyal to Muhammad, but faced with the prospect of the loss of Jibal, now the core of what was left of the Seljuk Empire, he retreated eastwards.
Ildegüz then abandoned Hamadhan for reasons that are unclear, but at the same time, Muhammad fell ill, becoming wholly incapacitated just as he inherited from Sanjar the title of al- sul†ān al- a‘Õam (see below p. 130) which he proudly proclaimed on his coins. He died aged thirty- four in Dhu ’l- Hijja 554/November 1159, never having achieved his dream of entering Baghdad to secure recognition as sultan.211 Henceforth, Arab Iraq was definitively lost to the Seljuks, and by the late twelfth century the resurgent caliphal state had become a significant regional power.
The ‘Salvage Operation’: Amiral Rule and the Dyarchy Thus, by 1157, with Sanjar dead and Muhammad incapacitated, the Great Seljuk Empire may be said to have collapsed. The polity that survived in the Jibal was a very different creature, which we cannot investigate in detail here, but the forty-y ear ‘salvage operation’, Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk 23 English & Bangla Subtitle It’s Free | Turkey TV Series
212 as it has been called, to rescue something from the wreckage of the empire after the crises of the mid- twelfth century was surprisingly successful. The enduring prestige of the Seljuk name was such that the amirs, who were the key political force in the later twelfth century, preferred to shelter behind the legitimacy of a nominal Seljuk sultan rather than to seize power in their own names.