Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk Episode 08 English Subtitle Free | আল্প আর্সালান বুয়ুক সেলজুক ভলিউম ০৮ বাংলা সাবটাইটেল
Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk Episode 08 English Subtitle Free | আল্প আর্সালান বুয়ুক সেলজুক ভলিউম ০৮ বাংলা সাবটাইটেল
Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk Episode 08 English Subtitle Free | আল্প আর্সালান বুয়ুক সেলজুক ভলিউম ০৮ বাংলা সাবটাইটেল To keep his men loyal, Tughrıl needed to provide them with plunder and pasture – the traditional duties of a nomadic chief. From approximately 1045 onwards, the attention of Ibrahim Yınal and Tughrıl was directed towards the south Caucasus, eastern Anatolia and northwestern Iran, rich in the pasturelands that were lacking in much of the arid Iranian plateau, and which had already been subject to ‘Iraqiyya penetration since 420/1029.
134 Ibn al-A thir specifically connects these campaigns with the limitations of the existing Seljuk territories: A large number of Türkmen from Transoxiana came to [Ibrahim Yınal], and he said, ‘My territories are too small for you and to support your needs.
The best thing is to go to attack Anatolia, fight in God’s path, plunder, and I will come in your wake and assist you.’135 As before, the Seljuk leadership was following where the ‘Iraqiyya had led.
These campaigns were not intended to annex territory, and no attempt was made to garrison strongholds or tax the inhabitants. They were determined by the Türkmen’s ecological needs, focusing on areas of summer and winter pastures (Figure 1.4), and attacking towns and fortifications in their immedi- ate vicinity which might threaten their control of the pastures, but largely ignoring other potential targets. আল্প আর্সালান বুয়ুক সেলজুক ভলিউম ০৮ বাংলা সাবটাইটেল
136 In some respects, then, the first years of Seljuk hegemony on the Iranian plateau thus had a curiously indistinct character. Beyond a few cities which served as Seljuk bases, such as Rayy and Hamadhan, Tughrıl made little effort to assert direct rule. For many city dwellers, little changed immediately, and not just the descendants of Seljuk but also local princes continued fighting among each other, sometimes recruiting aid from various Turks, ranging from Tughrıl himself to Ibrahim Yınal to the ‘Iraqiyya.
137 The Iranian plateau was thus not so much the object of a deliberate campaign of conquest than the backdrop against which these rivalries were fought out. These c haracteristics may explain why so few of our sources except Ibn al-A thir dwell on the Seljuk takeover: for pro- Seljuk chroniclers like Nishapuri and Husayni there was little to report in the way of heroic victories. আল্প আর্সালান বুয়ুক সেলজুক ভলিউম ০৮ বাংলা সাবটাইটেল
From the same period we have clear evidence of some kind of Seljuk administration. In the cities that were directly subject to Tughrıl’s control he installed ‘agents’ (nuwwāb), if at least the example of Hamadhan is anything to go by, where they are attested in 436/1044–
5. Their main function, most probably, was to extract revenue from the city. In the same year, Ibn al- Athir tells us, Tughrıl appointed his first vizier, Abu ’l-Q asim ‘Ali b. ‘Abdallah al- Juwayni, suggesting a further move towards the norms of Perso- Islamic overnance,
138 while around the same time a man named Khwaja Muwaffaq, a member of an ancient and prominent local family, is mentioned as Tughrıl’s agent (khwāja) in Nishapur.139 In 435/1044, Caliph al- Qa’im despatched an embassy to Tughrıl offering him titles and formal recognition as ruler in the hope that he might be dissuaded from further advances. আল্প আর্সালান বুয়ুক সেলজুক ভলিউম ০৮ বাংলা সাবটাইটেল
140 We have very little information indeed about conditions in Chaghrı’s territories, but similar administrative arrangements probably prevailed there: Chaghrı had an official (mutawallī) who looked after affairs in Balkh, and it was in the latter’s service that the famous Nizam al-M ulk started his career in the Seljuk bureaucracy.141 Around the same time, Nasir-i Khusraw was serving Chaghrı as an official in the ‘sultanic’ revenue and finance department in Merv. আল্প আর্সালান বুয়ুক সেলজুক ভলিউম ০৮ বাংলা সাবটাইটেল
142 His conversion to Ismailism occurred as a result of a vision he had when sent on an official business trip to Marw al- Rud in Rabi‘ II 437/October–November 1045.143 Thus, by the mid-1 040s, a mere decade after their arrival in Khurasan, the Seljuks had acquired many of the institutions of Islamic statehood, the first signs of which we noted as early as c. 1038: a bureaucracy, viziers, gov- ernment departments, recognition by the caliph, and the regular striking of coinage.
144 Moreover, Seljuk governance gradually became something more than merely an exercise in revenue collection. In the Isfahan region, after the Seljuk conquest of 443/1051, a generous system of tax relief was instituted to tempt peasants back to the lands they had abandoned, forts were constructed to ensure the security of roads, and Nasir- i Khusraw admired Isfahan’s pros- perity under Tughrıl’s rule.
145 It was, however, a state that was still dominated by the requirements of the Türkmen, whose relationship to the Seljuk family remained both intimate and fraught with tension.(turkey tv series) আল্প আর্সালান বুয়ুক সেলজুক ভলিউম ০৮ বাংলা সাবটাইটেল
Tughrıl and Iraq, 1055–63 Seljuk aid had been seen by several Iranian rulers as a winning formula for securing their own positions locally, and it seems that it was with the same purpose that Tughrıl was invited to intervene in Arab Iraq. The ‘Abbasid Caliph al- Qa’im (r. 422/1031–467/1067) had long had tense relations with the Buyids, who, as Shi‘ites, scarcely acknowledged his authority. A Sunni reaction had set in, and al- Qa’im’s vizier, Ibn Muslima, was noted for his fanatical hatred of the Shi‘a. While al-Q a’im initially seems to have regarded the Turks with a good measure of suspicion, Ibn Muslima established friendly relations with Tughrıl.
146 As Buyid authority in Iraq collapsed over the reign of al-M alik al- Rahim (440/1048–447/1055), an array of contend- ers for power emerged. Prime among them was Ibn Muslima’s arch rival, the Shi‘ite- leaning general al- Basasiri, commander of the Turkish slave troops in Baghdad, who had recently expanded his power by occupying Basra and Anbar. To survive, Ibn Muslima needed to thwart his rival’s ambitions, and did not hesitate to stir up sectarian tensions between Baghdad’s restive Sunni and Shi‘ite populations to discredit al- Basasiri.
147 Ibn Muslima and Tughrıl seem to have prepared the ground for inter- vention carefully. Tughrıl’s image as a Sunni ruler was burnished by his proclamation of a persecution (miªna) of various heretical religious groups, launched simultaneously in Baghdad and Nishapur in 445/1053, shortly after Tughrıl’s receipt of titles from the caliph. The symbolic intent of the miªna is underlined by the fact it does not seem to have been implemented anywhere else. আল্প আর্সালান বুয়ুক সেলজুক ভলিউম ০৮ বাংলা সাবটাইটেল
148 In 447/1054, the Türkmen raided Ahwaz and, on Tughrıl’s instructions, occupied Khuzistan,149 on the eastern borders of Arab Iraq. Tughrıl then himself advanced to Khuzistan, claiming that he intended to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and to lead an expedition against the Fatimids of Egypt150 – another piece of propaganda designed to emphasise his credentials as a legitimate Muslim ruler, for the Sunni world regarded the Ismaili Fatimids as heretics. আল্প আর্সালান বুয়ুক সেলজুক ভলিউম ০৮ বাংলা সাবটাইটেল
It seems few were convinced, for rumours of an impending Seljuk invasion racked Baghdad. In the event, al- Basasiri fled, and Tughrıl entered the city peacefully in Ramadan 447/December 1055, welcomed by a splendid procession of local notables. Even before his arrival, the caliph had proclaimed the khu†ba in Tughrıl’s name, a traditional sign of recognition of a new ruler. আল্প আর্সালান বুয়ুক সেলজুক ভলিউম ০৮ বাংলা সাবটাইটেল
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[…] (but not exclusively) Turkish (see further Chapter 6). Historical Series Alparslan Buyuk Seljuk [Watch Now], Since the reign of Tughrıl, and especially under Malikshah, amirs had been appointed to […]